顶刊前沿 | 《比较政治研究》 2020年第7-8期（Comparative Political Studies）

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政治学人始终在路上

本期国际化部为大家带来了《比较政治研究》2020年第7-8期文章编译。

编译属国际化部译者志愿提供，如有不妥欢迎指正；如对我们的工作有什么建议，欢迎到后台留言；如有转载请注明出处。学术公益是一条很长的路，我们诚邀您同行，欢迎留言您希望编译的政治学期刊，感谢您的支持。

PART 2

期刊简介

Comparative Political Studies（比较政治研究）是美国SAGE出版社旗下学术期刊，创刊于1968年，期刊每月出版一次，主要探讨比较政治学相关内容，期刊现任主编为明尼苏达大学教授David Samuels。过去五年的影响因子为4.262，在176个政治科学类期刊中排名第12。

期刊研究领域和收录范围包括：比较政治学理论研究、全球比较政治学研究、国内比较政治学研究等。

PART 2

期刊目录

1. Populism as a Problem of Social Integration

   社会融合中的民粹主义问题

2. Transparency, Elections, and Pakistani Politicians’ Tax Compliance

   透明度，选举和巴基斯坦政客的税收合规

3. Mixed Judicial Selection and Constitutional Review

   混合司法选择与宪法审查

4. Living in Fear: The Dynamics of Extortion in Mexico’s Drug War

   生活在恐惧中：墨西哥毒品战争中的勒索情况

5. Opting Out of the Social Contract: Tax Morale and Evasion

   选择退出社会契约：税收道德与逃税

6. Protests of Abundance: Distributive Conflict Over Agricultural Rents During the Commodities Boom in Argentina, 2003–2013

   富有者的抗议活动：2003-2013年阿根廷商品繁荣期间农业租金的分配冲突

7. Great Expectations, Financialization, and Bank Bailouts in Democracies

   民主国家的厚望，金融化和银行救助

8. Candidacy Eligibility Criteria and Party Unity

   候选人资格标准与政党团结

9. On the Social Construction of Legal Grievances: Evidence From Colombia and South Africa

   论法律申诉的社会建构：来自哥伦比亚和南非的证据

PART 3

精选译文

01 社会融合中的民粹主义问题                                  

【题目】

Populism as a Problem of Social Integration

【作者】

Noam Gidron, Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Peter A. Hall, Harvard University

【摘要】

我们认为，对左翼和右翼激进政党的支持可以方便地理解为社会融合的问题，这种理解融合了对民粹主义的经济和文化的解释。通过比较调查数据，我们评估了对激进左右派政党的支持是否与社会边缘化的感受相关。我们发现，由于缺乏对规范秩序，社会参与或对社会的尊重感而在社会上处于边缘地位的人们更有可能与主流政治脱节并支持激进政党。我们还发现，通常被认为会影响社会地位和社会边缘化感觉的近期经济和文化发展指标之间存在关联，尤其是在低收入或受教育程度较低的人群中。我们得出的结论是，社会整合和社会地位问题应引起比较政治行为学者的更多关注。

We argue that support for parties of the radical right and left can usefully be understood as a problem of social integration—an approach that brings together economic and cultural explanations for populism. With comparative survey data, we assess whether support for parties of the radical right and left is associated with feelings of social marginalization. We find that people who feel more socially marginal—because they lack strong attachment to the normative order, social engagement, or a sense of social respect—are more likely to be alienated from mainstream politics and to support radical parties. We also find an association between indicators for recent economic and cultural developments often said to affect social status and feelings of social marginalization, especially among people with low incomes or educational attainment. We conclude that problems of social integration and subjective social status deserve more attention from scholars of comparative political behavior.

02 透明度，选举和巴基斯坦政客的税收合规            

【题目】

Transparency, Elections, and Pakistani Politicians’ Tax Compliance

【作者】

Rabia Malik, New York University Abu Dhabi

【摘要】

越来越多的关于政治责任的文献关注：选民在掌握有关政客行为的可靠负面信息时，在何种程度上通过选举方式惩罚政客。政治家是否通过改变自己的行为来回应这些信息（并因此显得对选民负责）是这个难题的重要组成部分，但很少受到关注。我利用巴基斯坦政府公开立法者过去的所得税这一项意外决定，并在第二年衡量该信息对其税收的影响，以填补这一漏洞。通过在差异研究设计中使用有关政客资产所有权和税收的新数据，我提供了有力的证据表明，对于竞争和直接当选的立法者而言，减少逃税的压力最大。这些异质性影响不能通过立法者或选举选民之间的差异来解释，从而支持了以下假设：选举激励制约了立法者对信息冲击的反应。

A growing literature on political accountability focuses on the extent to which voters electorally punish politicians when provided with credible negative information about politicians’ actions. Whether politicians respond to information provision by changing their behavior—thus appearing accountable to voters—is an integral part of this puzzle but has received comparatively little attention. I address this gap by exploiting an unforeseen decision by the Pakistani government to publicly release legislators’ past income tax payments, and measure the effect of the information provision on their tax payments in the following year. Using new data on politicians’ asset ownership and tax payments in a difference-in-differences research design, I provide strong evidence that the pressure to decrease tax evasion was highest for competitively and directly elected legislators. These heterogeneous effects are not explained by differences between legislators or electoral constituencies, supporting the hypothesis that electoral incentives condition legislator responsiveness to information shocks.

03 混合司法选择与宪法审查                                     

【题目】

Mixed Judicial Selection and Constitutional Review

【作者】

Lydia Brashear Tiede, University of Houston

【摘要】

全世界将近一半的宪法法院法官是由混合选举制度选拔的，因此有一定数量的法官是由不同的政府机构选拔的。这种选拔方法及其变化对法官在宪法复核案件中的个人选择有何意义？对智利和哥伦比亚宪法法院的投票选择进行的研究表明，法官否决法律的决定更多地是由其和其他同事的机构选择者而不是其政党协会来解释。这些结果对传统的司法行为模型提出了质疑，因为它表明由不同选择者组成的法官在裁定宪法问题时有不同的声音，这反过来又增强了审议过程。但是，结果也引起了人们的担忧，即某些选举机构在否决立法方面的话语权可能比常规立法程序中所赋予的更大。

Almost half the constitutional court judges worldwide are selected by a mixed selection system, whereby a specific number of judges are selected by different government institutions. What are the implications of this selection method and its variations for judges’ individual choices on constitutional review cases? An examination of vote choice on the Chilean and Colombian constitutional courts indicates that judges’ decisions to strike down laws are explained more by their and other colleagues’ institutional selector than their political party associations. The results call into question traditional judicial behavior models by suggesting that judges with different selectors have distinct voices when adjudicating constitutional questions which in turn enhances the deliberative process. However, the results also raise concern that certain selecting institutions may have a more significant voice in vetoing legislation than afforded them in the regular legislative process.

04 生活在恐惧中：墨西哥毒品战争中的勒索情况     

【题目】

Living in Fear: The Dynamics of Extortion in Mexico’s Drug War

【作者】

Beatriz Magaloni, Stanford University

Gustavo Robles, Stanford University

Aila M. Matanock, University of California, Berkeley

Alberto Diaz-Cayeros, Stanford University

Vidal Romero, Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México

【摘要】

为什么贩毒组织（DTO）有时会掠夺其活动的社区，但有时却向这些社区提供帮助？如何解释了他们向民间社会勒索和合作的策略？本文使用来自墨西哥的包括列表实验的新调查数据得出对潜在非法行为的回应，来衡量贩毒组织勒索和协助的普遍程度。这些数据支持我们的理论，并表明，敌对组织之间的领土竞争会产生更多的勒索，相反，贩毒组织在对地盘拥有垄断控制权时会提供更多的帮助。这篇文章揭示了其他因素也影响着贩毒组织对人口的战略，包括与国家的协作程度，领导稳定度和贩毒组织的结构，以及当地犯罪企业的价值和后勤水平。

Why do drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) sometimes prey on the communities in which they operate but sometimes provide assistance to these communities? What explains their strategies of extortion and co-optation toward civil society? Using new survey data from Mexico, including list experiments to elicit responses about potentially illegal behavior, this article measures the prevalence of extortion and assistance among DTOs. In support of our theory, these data show that territorial contestation among rival organizations produces more extortion and, in contrast, DTOs provide more assistance when they have monopoly control over a turf. The article uncovers other factors that also shape DTOs’ strategies toward the population, including the degree of collaboration with the state, leadership stability and DTO organization, and the value and logistics of the local criminal enterprise.

05 选择退出社会契约：税收道德与逃税                   

【题目】

Opting Out of the Social Contract: Tax Morale and Evasion

【作者】

Néstor Castañeda, University College London

David Doyle, University of Oxford

Cassilde Schwartz, University of London

【摘要】

我们研究了低国力国家（尤其是拉丁美洲国家）的税收道德的个人水平的决定因素，这些国家通常被认为是社会契约破裂的。我们认为，在这样的国家中的个人将社会契约视为他们可以选择加入或选择退出的协议。那些选择退出的人更愿意用国家提供的商品代替私人提供的，而不是通过税收或搭便车的方式支付公共商品来获得这些商品。通过在墨西哥城进行的清单实验，我们证明了当个人在社会契约之外时，逃税的意愿最高。更传统的互惠指标（例如社会经济地位和对腐败的看法）并没有显著影响。我们用来自17个拉丁美洲城市的观测数据来支持我们的实验结果；那些有雇主赞助的保险的人更想要逃税。

We examine the individual-level determinants of tax morale in low-capacity states, specifically Latin American countries, where the social contract is often perceived as fractured. We argue that individuals in such states perceive the social contract as an agreement to which they can opt in or opt out. Those who choose to opt out prefer to substitute state-provided goods for private providers, rather than pay for public goods through taxes or free ride to receive those goods. Through a list experiment conducted in Mexico City, we demonstrate that willingness to evade taxes is highest when individuals have stepped outside of the social contract. More traditional indicators of reciprocity—such as socioeconomic status and perceptions of corruption—are not significant. We bolster our experimental results with observational data from 17 Latin American cities; those with access to employer-sponsored insurance are more willing to evade tax.

06 富有者的抗议活动：2003-2013年阿根廷商品繁荣期间农业租金的分配冲突

【题目】

Protests of Abundance: Distributive Conflict Over Agricultural Rents During the Commodities Boom in Argentina, 2003–2013

【作者】

Jorge Mangonnet, Columbia University

María Victoria Murillo, Columbia University

【摘要】

有关农村争议的学术研究主要集中在紧缩和破产方面，我们选择研究出口农产品生产者在农产品价格高企时爆发的抗议活动。意识到价格波动后，农民寻求利用周期的上涨来最大化他们的收入，并拒绝分担高价所产生的租金。当农民缺乏政治影响力来避免再分配时，尽管他们从较高的价格中受益，他们更有可能提出抗议因为他们的税收负担增加了。停工是他们最强大的抗议工具，商业活动停顿并带来严重的经济后果，但停工需要农民协会的协调。这些组织的成员同质性和较低的国家报复风险加剧了竞争。我们使用阿根廷各部门在2003年至2013年间农村停工的本地数据集来检验这一论点，当时阿根廷主要出口商品大豆价格居高不下。我们通过深入、半结构化的精英访谈来完善我们的策略。

Whereas the scholarship on rural contention mostly focuses on austerity and busts, we study protests by agricultural export producers in times of high agricultural prices. Aware of price volatility, farmers seek to take advantage of cycles’ upswings to maximize their income and resist sharing the rents generated by higher prices. When farmers lack the formal political influence to avert redistribution, they are more likely to protest as their tax burden increases although they benefit from higher prices. Their strongest protest tool is lockouts, which halt commercialization activities and have significant economic consequences, but require coordination by farmer associations. Membership homogeneity and lower exposure to state retaliation by these organizations heightens contention. We test this argument using a local-level data set on rural lockouts across Argentine departments between 2003 and 2013, a time of high prices for Argentina’s key export commodity: soybeans. We complement our empirical strategy with in-depth, semi-structured elite interviews.

07 民主国家的厚望，金融化和银行救助                   

【题目】

Great Expectations, Financialization, and Bank Bailouts in Democracies

【作者】

Jeffrey M. Chwieroth, London School of Economics

Andrew Walter, The University of Melbourne

【摘要】

金融化进程的加快和社会财富的增加，意味着民主政府在银行业危机之后越来越多地提供救助。通过使用新的长期数据集，我们表明，尽管在第二次世界大战之前发生了频繁而严重的危机，但当时为保护财富而进行的银行救助却极为罕见。相比之下，近几十年来，各国政府越来越多地选择大规模救助，而这要远远早于2007年至2009年的重大干预措施。我们认为，这种政策转变是中产阶级选民的“巨大期望”的结果，而这些期望在现有账目中被忽视。这些预期与财富的金融化，杠杆作用的提高以及政府在事前对金融稳定的承诺不断累积有关，这些暗示着政策偏好和政治分歧的实质性改变。自1970年代以来，当严重的银行业危机再次成为对中产阶级财富的重要威胁时，这种“来自下方的压力”促使当选政府提供前无古人的越来越昂贵的救助资金。

Accelerating financialization and rising societal wealth have meant that democratic governments increasingly provide bailouts following banking crises. Using a new long-run data set, we show that despite frequent and virulent crises before World War II, bank bailouts to protect wealth were then exceptionally rare. In recent decades, by contrast, governments have increasingly opted for extensive bailouts—well before the major interventions of 2007–2009. We argue that this policy shift is the consequence of the “great expectations” of middle-class voters overlooked in existing accounts. Associated with the growing financialization of wealth, rising leverage, and accumulating ex ante financial stabilization commitments by governments, these expectations are suggestive of substantially altered policy preferences and political cleavages. Since the 1970s, when severe banking crises returned as an important threat to middle-class wealth, this “pressure from below” has led elected governments to provide increasingly costly bailouts with no historical precedent.

08 候选人资格标准与政党团结                                  

【题目】

Candidacy Eligibility Criteria and Party Unity

【作者】

Jochen Rehmert, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin

【摘要】

现有的研究表明，候选人的选择方法可能对立法投票中的政党团结具有重要意义。然而到目前为止，现有文献仅研究了选举人和集中程度的变化。本文认为，候选人资格标准（CEC）对党的团结也有影响。我认为，由于采用了更为严格的正式要求，政党避免了逆向选择，并确保了提名对政党忠诚的候选人。通过使用来自16个工业民主国家的唱名表决数据，候选人调查以及由近500个历史政党纲领组成的原始数据集，我表明，要求事先拥有会员资格并煽动有志者维护政党内部网络的政党在议会中的表决更加统一。此外，与没有正式候选人资格标准的政党相比，他们的候选人也表现出更大的忠诚度。因此，本文通过展示某些迄今为止被忽视的政党规则如何影响政党团结，为政党团结和候选人选择方面的文献做出了贡献。

Extant research suggests that candidate selection methods can be consequential for party unity in legislative voting. Yet thus far, only variations in the selectorate and the degree of centralization have been examined. This article argues that Candidacy Eligibility Criteria (CEC), too, have implications for party unity. I theorize that with stricter formal requirements, parties avoid adverse selection and ensure the nomination of committed candidates. By using roll-call vote data from 16 industrial democracies, candidate surveys and an original data set consisting of nearly 500 historical party constitutions, I show that parties demanding prior membership and nudging aspirants to maintain networks within the party tend to be more unified in parliamentary voting. Moreover, their candidates, too, express greater loyalty when compared with parties without formal CEC. Thus, this article contributes to the literatures on party unity and on candidate selection by showing how certain party rules, hitherto neglected, affect party unity.

09 论法律申诉的社会建构：来自哥伦比亚和南非的证据

【题目】

On the Social Construction of Legal Grievances: Evidence From Colombia and South Africa

【作者】

Whitney K. Taylor, San Francisco State University

【摘要】

利用案例内部和案例之间的比较，本文调查了哥伦比亚和南非为保护社会权利而进行的法律动员。这种权利争论代表了一种新现象，在这种现象中，普通公民和司法行为者都已从法律的角度来审视与获得医疗保健，住房，教育和社会保障有关的问题。关于法律动员的研究倾向于对这一复杂现象进行单方面的考察，主要侧重于法律主张或司法决策，而忽略了对两者之间关系的理论化。通过对权利要求的分析和178次采访，本文旨在纠正这些不平衡现象。在此过程中，它提供了一个可推广的模型，用于解释法律申诉的社会建构和对特定种类索赔的司法接受性的发展，并解释了为社会权利进行法律动员的过程和持续过程。

Leveraging comparisons within and across cases, this article investigates legal mobilization for social rights in Colombia and South Africa. This kind of rights contestation represents a new phenomenon, in which both ordinary citizens and judicial actors have come to view problems related to access to health care, housing, education, and social security through the lens of the law. Research on legal mobilization has tended toward one-sided examinations of this complex phenomenon, focusing primarily on either legal claims-making or judicial decision-making, and neglecting to fully theorize the relationship between the two. Drawing on an analysis of rights claims and 178 interviews, this article aims to correct these imbalances. In doing so, it offers a generalizable model that accounts for the social construction of legal grievances and the development of judicial receptivity to particular kinds of claims, and explains both the emergence and continuation of legal mobilization for social rights.

编 译：林俊斯

审 校：周煜洋

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编辑：王泽萍

一审：陈佳林

二审：袁    丁

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